Rape Crisis, as part of its Making Change programme, intends to hold government accountable for the promise of specialised sexual offences courts. We believe these courts are key to increasing reporting rates and conviction rates for rape, while decreasing the secondary victimisation of rape survivors. We recently introduced some of our volunteers and community members from Athlone and Khayelitsha to our advocacy campaign and trained the participants on the need for specialised sexual offences courts. We had engaging discussions regarding the high prevalence of rape in these communities and how specialised sexual offences courts can address these.

Here community members from Athlone and Khayelitsha are hearing about the key ideas behind an advocacy strategy.

Here one of the groups is talking about how specialised sexual offences courts will better serve survivors.

Among the benefits are higher conviction rates, less secondary trauma for survivors, better resources, specialised services and ultimately – less rape.

Rape Crisis Advocacy Coordinator, Jeanne Bodenstein, outlining the requirements for specialised offences courts in terms of personnel and infrastructure.

Volunteers had the opportunity to role play telling someone else about why specialised sexual offences courts are so important.

The group meets again in June to further the discussions and plan the way forward with the campaign in collaboration with spokespersons from the communities.

 

This work is funded by Oxfam Germany and the BMZ. 

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I live less than a five minute drive away from where Franziska Blöchliger was raped and murdered. I drove past Tokai forest on the day that it happened. I saw security personnel gathered around the entrance near to where her body was found. By the following day it was in the news. As I watched the media frenzy unfold and the reactions from the womxn in my family, I noticed in myself, an absence of anger or distress or even empathy.

In the weeks following, residents of the surrounding suburbs tied bouquets of flowers along the fence near to where it happened. I have driven past the site many times but only recently decided to visit. I wanted to try and understand my own reaction to the news and I thought that paying a visit might help to bring me clarity.

 

[Mourners left hundreds of flowers at Tokai forest. Image source: The Good Things Guy ]

As I walked along the fence looking at the drooping flowers, it occurred to me that the public reaction to Franziska’s case is quite unique. She has not once been blamed or implicated in what happened to her. With most rape cases that receive a lot of public attention there is often something about the victim or what the victim was doing that is offered as an explanation as to why it happened to them. The reaction to Anene Booysen’s 2013 rape case is an example of this.

Feminist author Pumla Gqola writes in her book, “Rape: A South African Nightmare”, of the public’s reaction,

“sometimes callers to radio stations expressed a combination of shock and attempts to explain how such a thing could happen by slut-shaming and victim-blaming her. Her judgement was questioned by some who then quickly and condescendingly decided that her class standing meant that she did not know better.”

It takes a lot to be the perfect victim, and one must be to ensure public outrage that is free of victim blaming. The perfect victim must be white, cisgender, heterosexual, sober, must not be out after dark, must not be at a club/bar/party, must not be in a “dodgy” area and must not know their assailant. In light of this, I was able to understand my response. I do not trust the public’s reaction and I do not want to be a part of it. I cannot trust that there is any sincerity behind those bunches of flowers. Would they have been there if Franziska had not met all of the requirements of the perfect victim?

As I drove away I noticed a poster-sized picture of Sinoxolo Mafevuka’s face stuck on a tree. But the poster was torn so that most of her face was missing. And I wondered if Sinoxolo’s case would have received any attention at all if Franziska’s had not happened for it to be compared to.

Danielle Alheit

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Last week #RapeatUCT, a mass meeting hosted by UCT Survivors, brought students and staff members together to unpack the university’s systemic rape culture. The meeting was in response to the four incidents of rape that occurred around the Rhodes Memorial area from December 2015 to February 2016.

On the 6^th of February UCT management sent out an email that urged students to “use the Jammie Shuttle and the UCT blue route where possible as well as to avoid walking alone.” The email reiterated that UCT was deploying extra security personnel to patrol the bridge over the M3 and offered counselling to any student or staff affected by these incidents. UCT Survivors writes of this in the event description of #RapeatUCT, “UCT has failed to use their additional private security to guard this area and protect students. It is also essential to note that although this is the first time UCT is communicating about these atrocities- these are not the first instances of rape and sexual violence on campus or even in the area in particular. Their willingness to communicate seems derived from the fact that the perpetrator may not be part of the UCT community”.

Dela Buhle Gwala, a member of UCT Survivors, opened the meeting with a speech detailing UCT’s response, or lack thereof, and mishandling of rape and sexual assault cases on campus. She spoke of the apathetic and hostile responses to the previous day’s Clothes Line Project initiative. Survivors wrote down their experiences of rape, sexual assault and rape-culture at UCT on old t-shirts. The t-shirts were hung on clotheslines on the Jammie steps. Dela mentioned that some of the messages contained “damning paragraphs from the recent review of DISCHO.” UCT’s discrimination and harassment office, DISCHO, has come under fire from student bodies such as UCT Survivors for being ineffective in providing counselling and protection for survivors. This was written about in the #RapeatUCT event description as well, “DISCHO was put under review last year- after countless students and student organisations reported it to be inefficient and inadequate, with the only result of survivors being re-traumatised.”

The routine process for survivors who go to DISCHO for support is to undergo mediation with their assailant. This usually results in re-traumatising the survivor rather than helping them to heal. Survivors are also constantly at risk of being re-traumatised as they have to share the same space as their assailant. UCT is ineffective in removing known assailants from campus, instead it is often survivors who are advised or forced to take a leave of absence if they wish to avoid seeing their assailant. These are some of the issues that survivors who have turned to DISCHO have repeatedly spoken out about. Dela ended off her speech by opening the floor for people to speak about their experiences of gender-based violence and discrimination at UCT.

The meeting became a space for sharing in the collective pain and rage of womxn and non-gender-binary people. Many of the survivors who spoke were sharing their stories for the first time. Their stories were deeply painful to hear and painful to tell. Many of the attendees left the meeting crying with a friend’s arm around them for support.

#RapeatUCT was a testament to how the personal is political. Rape and sexual assault is always a political act. It is the actualisation of the white supremacist capitalist patriarchy. It is something to be protested about, written about and analysed, something to give speeches and hold mass meetings about. But the real effects it has on those that have survived it are unknowable and deeply personal. #RapeatUCT was a stark reminder of the real pain and the real violence underlying all the rhetoric and intellectualising of this issue.

Danielle Alheit

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